Moammar Gadhafi was the last of a generation of Arab leaders such as Gamal Abdel-Nasser of Egypt, Hafez Assad of Syria, and Sadaam Hussein of Iraq who emerged from poverty, rising to the pinncale of power either through the ranks of the military or the disciplined world of underground political organizations.
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CAIRO -- He often looked like a comical buffoon, standing before audiences, regaled in colorful robes, spouting words that most of the world considered nonsense.
Yet the death of Moammar Gadhafi was a milestone in modern Arab history, in some ways more significant than the overthrow of lesser autocrats in Tunisia and Egypt.
Gadhafi was the last of the old-style Arab strongmen -- the charismatic, nationalist revolutionaries who rose to power in the 1950s and 1960s, promising to liberate the masses from the shackles of European colonialism and the stultifying rule of the Arab elite that the foreigners left behind after World War II.
He was swept aside by a new brand of revolutionary -- the leaderless crowds organized by social media, fed up with the oppressive past, keenly aware that the rest of the world has left them behind, and convinced that they can build a better society even if at the moment, they aren't sure how.
Gadhafi was the last of a generation of Arab leaders such as Gamal Abdel-Nasser of Egypt, Hafez Assad of Syria, and Saddam Hussein of Iraq who emerged from poverty, rising to the pinnacle of power either through the ranks of the military or the disciplined, conspiratorial world of underground political organizations.
None of the latter crop of Arab autocrats, including Mr. Assad's son Bashar, Yemen's Ali Abdullah Saleh, and even Egypt's colorless, ousted president Hosni Mubarak, could rival them in their heyday in terms of charisma, flair, stature, and power.
Their model was Mr. Nasser, the towering champion of Arab unity who ousted Western-backed King Farouk in 1952 and inspired Arab peoples with fiery speeches broadcast by Egyptian radio from Iraq to Mauritania.
But Mr. Nasser's dreams of Arab unity and social revival crumbled in defeat in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, when Israel seized East Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Golan Heights of Syria. Nasser died three years later, and the fellow strongmen left behind led their countries instead into a political swamp of corruption, cronyism, and dictatorship now challenged by the Arab Spring.
The hallmark of the Arab strongman was unquestioned power, the use of state media to promote a larger than life image, and a ruthless security network that stifled even a whiff of dissent. That worked in an age before the Internet and global satellite television which opened the eyes of the strongman's followers to a world without secret police and economic systems run by the leader's family and cronies.
The Arab political transformation is far from complete. Autocratic rulers are facing challenges from their own people in Yemen and Syria. Bahrain's Shiite majority is pressing the Sunni monarchy for reform.
Rulers in Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and the Gulf states are maneuvering to contain the Arab Spring.
Iraq is struggling to build a democracy eight years after American-led arms brought down Saddam's rule.
Libyan women walk past a graffiti reading: "The greatest Crazy of the World" in Tripoli, Libya, Friday.
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With Gadhafi's passing, however, a milestone has been passed. The future belongs to a different style of ruler, whoever it may be.
It may be difficult to imagine that the Gadhafi of his final years -- with his flamboyant robes, dark and curly wigs, and sagging, surgically altered face -- was a trim, handsome, vigorous 27-year-old when he came to power.
Over the years he had become a caricature figure associated with grandiose dreams such as a "United States of Africa" or seizing all of Israel and sending Jews "back to Europe."
Even when he was younger, eccentricity was the mark of Gadhafi's public persona.
A generation ago, President Ronald Reagan described him as the "mad dog of the Middle East," and his fellow Arab leaders such as Egyptian President Anwar Sadat considered him a dangerous megalomaniac.
Journalists covered his speeches and international visits primarily for amusement.
Images of Gadhafi's final moments -- toupee gone, terrified, confused, powerless in the grip of men who may be about to kill him -- make the ousted tyrant appear more pitiable than powerful.
All that was far from his image when he and his comrades toppled a Western-backed monarchy in 1969 in a bloodless coup, promising to transform his poor, backwater country into a modern state.
Promising a new era for his people, Gadhafi closed a U.S. air base, forced international oil companies to hand over most of their profits from Libyan oil to the Libyan state, and shook the world with his unabashed support for terrorist or insurgent movements in Northern Ireland, Palestine, Latin America, Africa, and Asia.
Oil gave him a reach beyond his sparsely populated desert land and enabled him to pursue his revolutionary dreams.
In the 1980s, the lobbies of Tripoli's few hotels were populated by representatives of what the West considered the most dangerous groups on Earth -- stiff North Koreans wearing lapel buttons of their leader Kim Il-Sung, Palestinian extremists huddled over cups of sweet tea, European anarchists and revolutionaries -- all come to town to seek the oil-fueled largesse of the "Brother Leader."
While insisting that Libya was the freest nation on Earth, Gadhafi ruthlessly suppressed dissent, dispatched agents to assassinate his opponents abroad, and drove thousands of Libyans into exile.
It all came crashing down in the final battle in his hometown of Sirte. A man who came to power as an Arab revolutionary and self-styled leader of the oppressed and downtrodden died a brutal and inglorious death at the hands of the people he purported to lead.